午夜剧场

The impression of "Mochizuki vs. Chief Cabinet Secretary Suga" likely remains strong even now. I am sometimes asked in the past tense, "What kind of person was Mr. Suga, after all?" If you were to ask if he is a "finished" politician, that observation would be completely off the mark. It is simply that he is hard to see because he is not on the center stage.

Triggered by my questions at a 2017 press conference with then-Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga, I became the center of attention, much against my will. I was bashed online and even received death threats over the phone. The Prime Minister's Official Residence (Kantei) won over some reporters assigned to the press club and busied themselves with labeling me a "strange reporter." I also faced interference with my questions from the Kantei staff acting as moderators. It was an insidious tactic, carried out sneakily while pretending there was a legitimate reason.

Thanks to that, something good happened. The sexual violence suffered by Shiori Ito—which was the catalyst for my entry into the Kantei—and the "suspicious documents" issue surrounding Kake Gakuen became more widely known to the public. It visualized how government leaders do not answer questions head-on, and how press conferences, which are supposed to be hosted by the press club, have had their leadership completely seized by the Kantei.

An editor took interest in the commotion surrounding me, which led to the writing of "The Journalist" (Kadokawa Shinsho), which also became the basis for a film. This book, "Hodo Genba," is positioned as its sequel. In this book, I wrote about the themes I covered or was involved with during the period from when the Kantei's harassment intensified and I became unable to attend press conferences due to the spread of COVID-19, until the time Mr. Suga—who became Prime Minister following Shinzo Abe—lost support due to failures in COVID-19 measures and stepped down after just one year without being able to dissolve the Diet.

The issue of the refusal to appoint members to the Science Council of Japan in violation of the law, the bill to amend the Public Prosecutors Office Act that ignored Diet deliberations, and the issue of long-term detention of foreigners in violation of international treaties—. While this book criticizes the government's response, that is not the only thing I want readers to take away.

Because long-term administrations have continued and collusion with those in power, such as influential politicians and bureaucrats, has persisted, the check-and-balance function of news organizations has weakened. Awareness of gender equality and respect for human rights remains outdated and has not been updated. The roots of the problem run deep within the front lines of reporting itself.

Even if existing media stop investing in investigative journalism or cease monitoring and criticizing power for fear of litigation risks, no one notices if it doesn't come to light. This is the most dangerous part.

Isoko Mochizuki

Kadokawa Shinsho

272 pages, 990 yen (tax included)

*Affiliations and titles are as of the time this magazine was published.